“viva cuba libre!”

Thursday, May 31st, 2007

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Exploding cigars, LSD mists, poisoned shoes, bazookas, hotel bombs, downed airliners. It’s the material of the comic-tragedy that is our unofficial state policy toward Cuba. It’s also flat-out terrorism. For forty points and a one-way trip to Guatanamo, guess which ruling American family continues to fully aid and abet that policy? Or read our man J.B. Powell’s review of Dollan Cannell’s recent banging documentary on the whole sordid mess.

A farcical tragedy

Thursday, May 31st, 2007

638ways.jpgFor fifty years, Fidel Castro, CIA code name “the Beard,” has been ashing his cigar in our laps. First, he deposed an ally of ours, Fulgencio Batista. Then he embarrassed our president by foiling an ultra-secret invasion. And, of course, he almost started World War III. But, worst of all, he just won’t die.

It’s no secret that, for decades, the US government has tried, and failed, to take out El Presidente. As the apocalyptic tensions of the Cold War have eased and Castro’s senescent regime winds down, our occasionally bizarre attempts to kill him have become cloak and dagger clichés, geopolitical gags from a nearly bygone era. The smart UK documentary 638 Ways to Kill Castro, released in the US on May 8th, lets us laugh at the more absurd death plots. But, in the end, director Dollan Cannell reminds us that our government’s Machiavellian interventions can be lethally serious.

Cannell’s style tastes of one part Michael Moore, one part Adam Curtis. The conversational narration, scholarly interviews, and newsreel outtakes give the film an engaging but journalistically rigorous depth that approaches Curtis’s brilliant Century of the Self or The Power of Nightmares. But Cannell throws cheeky found-footage into the mix, including clips of Cuban TV shows and snippets of old American gangster and spy movies. This irreverent collage effect puts the viewer in the same laughing-to-keep-from-crying mood as vintage Moore, but without the first-person subjectivity or political tendentiousness.

Much of the comedy derives from the weird schemes cooked up by Castro’s foes and their US backers. The “exploding cigar” is the most famously wacky of the plots, but compared to many of the others, it’s downright sane. One early bright idea was to spray an aerosol mist of LSD into a Cuban television station while “the Beard” was being interviewed. Others featured a poisoned diving suit, botulism pills, and mafia hit men. When the contrivances and wise guys failed, US spooks enlisted vengeful Cuban exiles like Antonio Veciana, a mild-mannered but fiercely anti-Castro accountant. But the results were more or less the same.

Veciana’s first of many attempts to kill Castro involved a bazooka in a hotel room. That’s right, a bazooka. A pistol wouldn’t do. A rifle was simply not grand enough. The only implement that could measure up to the rage and violence in Veciana’s heart was, apparently, a bazooka. As happened time and time again with Castro’s enemies though, Veciana’s own zealousness caused him to fail. When his hit men prepared to point the massive weapon out the window of their hotel, they realized its size and power would give their position away.

These kinds of farcical scenes, which would fit right into the Pink Panther series or even the Three Stooges, surely have a lot to do with Cannell’s cheekiness and irreverent approach. But the humor serves a separate, thematic purpose as well. By now, our government’s misadventures in Cuba have become wink-and-nod media yarns, kitschy narratives spiked with 100-proof realpolitik. Tom Clancy meets Forrest Gump. When George W. Bush looked for “those darn WMD’s” at the White House Correspondents’ Dinner several years ago, he was trying to shift his false pretext for the invasion of Iraq into the “exploding cigar” category of our history, a regrettable but ultimately well-intentioned blunder. Part of Cannell’s modus operandi is to engage, and ultimately rebuke, this American impulse to laugh away our morally suspect actions. And like a good cigar, the film lulls us into a pleasant, daydream-like reflection. Then it blows up in our face.

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Orlando Bosch, 1970s
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Posada Carriles, 1976


When George Herbert Walker Bush took over the CIA in 1976, our country’s efforts to kill Castro lost their farcical qualities. Instead of the accountant Veciana with his bazooka, we turned to genuine killers, like Dr. Orlando Bosch and Luis Posada Carriles. Hardliner blood merchants of the first order, these men did not bother with goofy stratagems like poisoned diving suits or exploding cigars. They killed their own people in Florida for trying to negotiate with Castro. They bombed hotels. And, in a horrible foretelling of tactics turned most powerfully against the United States, they downed a civilian airliner, Cubana Airlines’ flight number 455. Seventy-three people died in what was then the most violent act of terror in the Western Hemisphere. Cannell fades the screen to black as a visual stand-in for the carnage and, for most of the remainder of the film, the yucks die as well. The consequences of our country’s imperial machinations turn suddenly and nauseatingly real and, in the viewer, a hard pit of shame replaces the mirth.

Yet Cannell doesn’t choose sides in the back and forth between Castro and his enemies. While exiled activist Enrique Encinosa describes a public execution he saw on Cuban television as a child, Cannell cuts to file footage of an actual firing squad. The brain matter that sprays the wall behind the condemned man is real and, as Encinosa says, these disgusting spectacles were broadcast regularly as examples of what would happen to “anti-revolutionaries.” Enrique Ovares, one of the CIA’s first would-be assassins, weeps over all the lives he believes would have been saved if he had carried out his mission.

Posada Carriles and Bosch also speak candidly to Cannell. But their interviews are far from flattering. Bosch, a former medical doctor (like Osama Bin Laden’s number two, Ayman Al-Zawahiri), can barely contain his self-satisfaction as he neither denies nor confirms his role in the over fifty bombings to which he has been linked. “I don’t say yes or no,” he says with a grandfatherly gleam in his eye. He goes on to offer a patently Bin Laden-esque justification for his alleged acts: “In war, everything is valid.”

Cannell smartly avoids any direct comment on this smug declaration, but he makes clear that no important officials from the Cuban government were on the passenger manifest of Flight 455. The only victims remotely linked to Castro’s power structure were, of all things, the members of the national fencing team. Instead of hitting Cuba’s military or its decision makers, these self-righteous dolts butchered a bunch of athletes whose only weapons were intentionally blunted blades.

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Cubana 455—as well as US-sponsored hotel bombings in Havana and the hundreds of assassination attempts on Castro—could easily be written off as regrettable episodes from our past, if not for the fact that the players involved remain not only at large but prominent in the public sphere. As head of the CIA, our former president, and the current president’s father, at the very least permitted the slaughter of innocents aboard the airliner and at the very worst, aided and abetted it. Florida Governor Jeb Bush first made a name for himself as campaign manager for future congresswoman, Ilena Ros-Lehtinen. Their winning slogan was “Free Orlando Bosch.”

Worst of all, Bosch and Posada Carriles are free and living in our country. Bosch spent time in jail for trying (with, you guessed it, a bazooka) to sink a Polish freighter heading to Cuba. But, in 1990, over the objections of advisors and the attorney general’s office, the first President Bush granted the doctor a pardon. In 2000, Posada Carriles was imprisoned in Panama for his role in the final, 638th attempt on Castro’s life. But shortly thereafter, he was mysteriously pardoned and wound up here in the United States. Just this month, a federal judge in El Paso dismissed immigration charges against him on an absurd technicality. The fact that he was only charged with minor “visa irregularities” is bad enough, but now he has even been cleared of those offenses.

Cannell repeatedly splices in clips from a hit Cuban television show based on Fidel Castro’s security detail. Far from fomenting discontent with “the Beard’s” rule, our meddling in Cuba has turned him into a primetime hero, an embattled underdog fending off a superpower’s aggression. Think of it as Cuba’s version of 24. Only their Jack Bauer doesn’t foil Muslim extremists. He nabs US-backed agents and saves Cuba from American-sponsored terrorism. Orlando Bosch’s pardon and Luis Posada Carriles’s exoneration are the latest acts in the drama.

Toward the end of the film, Cannell flashes our president’s now-famous declaration that, in the War on Terror, anyone harboring terrorists will be considered terrorists. The words are revealed as more than mere hypocrisy. In light of our actions in Cuba, the base cynicism of the rhetoric warps our national consciousness, creating the kind of free-floating mistrust of our leaders that spawns conspiracy theories and disenchants large swaths of our voting population. And this internal antipathy has done far more damage to our country than any bomb or bazooka ever could. Call it Castro’s revenge, an exploding Cohiba going off in our hearts.

——
JB Powell is a contributing writer and the author of Republic: A Novel. Bottom image is of a memorial to the victims of the Cubana 455 bombing erected outside the courthouse in El Paso where Posada stood trial for visa irregularities last month.

mistakes were made!

Wednesday, May 30th, 2007

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Therapists and brain people know all about denial. They say we deny because we have to, that we’re forced into petty lies and cowardly evasions by genetics, by biological construction and the chemical flows of the head. Really, it’s true. And I did not have… sex with that woman, whoever she is, whatever they say. I swear!

Yet there are different kinds of deniers. Clinton and Gonzales are the same in this regard: they lie to cover up and save face, the poor wretches. Not George W Bush. Psych-authors Carol Tavris and Elliot Aronson say the Dubbya is different and they wrote about how he’s different for us here.

Shrinking Dubbya

Wednesday, May 30th, 2007

What is the psychological difference between Attorney General Alberto Gonzales’s admission, “I acknowledge that mistakes were made here,” and George Bush’s comment in his January address to the nation, “Where mistakes have been made, the responsibility rests with me”?

Gonzales joined a long list of practitioners of “mistakes were made,” including Richard Nixon, Ronald Reagan, Bill Clinton, Jimmy Carter, Cardinal Edward Egan, and McDonald’s, to name a few. But there is a big difference between this responsibility-shirking crowd and George W. Bush. It is the difference between convincing the public of something untrue (“I did not have sex with that woman”; “I am not a crook”), and the unconscious process of justifying actions to oneself. Bush is different than Clinton in that he is persuading himself that he has done nothing wrong—that, in fact, he did a good thing. Clinton knew he was lying. Does Bush?

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We want our people—politicians, love partners, whoever—to own up to their errors and bad decisions, and to do it without weaseling! More important, we want them to correct their mistakes and learn from them. Before they can do that, though, they have to be aware that they actually made a mistake or a bad decision. Why is it that we can see their mistakes so clearly and they can’t? For that matter, why can we see their mistakes but not our own?

As decades of studies in cognitive science have demonstrated, that our brains are designed with blind spots, psychological as well as optical, and that one of the brain’s cleverest tricks is to confer on us the comforting delusion that we, personally, happen to be blind-spot free. We are made to mostly believe that we have no biases, that our small immoralities are justified, that our beliefs are valid while those of others are riddled with holes. These hardwired, self-serving ways of thinking are why everyone can see a hypocrite in action except the hypocrite himself, why husbands and wives can see the partner’s unwillingness to change but not their own, and why the most villainous despots on earth sleep soundly at night.

When the fundamental belief that we are smart, moral, and kind crashes into the accusation that we did something stupid, immoral, or hurtful, there is major cognitive dissonance to resolve.

Did I just commit an unethical act? Well, no. I’m a good person; therefore my action was trivial, didn’t hurt anyone, and besides everyone does it.

Did I make a decision that proved disastrously wrong? No. I’m a smart person; therefore that decision has to be right, even if it will take a few decades to prove it.

The brain sees to it that the very need to maintain the belief that we are kind, smart, and moral can keep us stuck in a course of action that is cruel, stupid, or immoral.

The mechanics of self-justification explain the mystery of George Bush. Why can’t the man ever admit that any of the specific predictions he and his administration made about Iraq were flat-out wrong? There were no WMD, there were no happy Iraqis pelting American soldiers with flowers, the “mission” was not “accomplished,” oil revenues did not subsidize the cost, and no united pro-Western government arose from the Saddam’s crushed regime. Indeed, political commentators across the spectrum—Ben Stein, Andy Rooney, Jonathan Rauch, George Will, and Paul Krugman, to name a few—have not only called upon Bush to admit he was wrong; they even wrote face-saving speeches for him. In 2005, Jonathan Rauch predicted that Bush would have to withdraw from Iraq or he would lose both houses of Congress in the 2006 elections, and what sane politician would risk that?

A self-justifying one. And that is why Alberto Gonzales is no George Bush. Gonzales may justify his ethical lapses and failure to uphold the Constitution as acts of loyalty to his president, but he undoubtedly knows what he is doing and what he has to do to protect his job. Bush’s actions, by contrast, suggest a man whose religious and political ideology has cocooned him in self-justification. He has systematically demoted or fired anyone who had the temerity to disagree with him, a sure sign of a leader unable to hear any information that might create dissonance about his decisions.

After the 2006 midterm elections, with Iraq in chaos, Bush no longer had an external incentive to “stay the course”; he could not run for reelection and the majority of the country wanted an end to the war. If Bush were acting pragmatically, he now had the perfect opportunity to accept the recommendations of his own Iraq Study Group and his top generals, who were telling him the war was unwinnable. But by then Bush had convinced himself that the invasion of Iraq was not a mistake.

“I’ve never been more convinced that the decisions I made are the right decisions,” he told a delegation of conservative columnists. The only “mistakes,” he told the country in January, had to do with tactics. Ergo, if we are not winning, we need to do what we have been doing, only with more troops and more money.

Self-justification has benefits. It allows people to sleep at night, untroubled by regrets over roads not taken or by memories of embarrassing failures. But for those in positions of power, sleepless nights are probably a good sign. When self-justification blinds people to evidence that a decision was wrong, disaster is sure to follow.

——
Carol Tavris and Elliot Aronson are social psychologists and the authors of Mistakes Were Made (But Not by Me): Why we justify foolish beliefs, bad decisions, and hurtful acts.

Reverb: aurevoir sea level

Friday, May 25th, 2007

sea level crash

There’s something of an epidemic afflicting record stores across Los Angeles. They are dying off at an alarming rate, and it’s really starting to bum me out. Obviously, no one really knows why, but everyone seems to have a viable reason that it can be attributed to. The catch-all being our poor economy. Others prefer to blame the fucking… er, fluxing music industry. There are those who believe that with the rise of digital technology, The Record Store is becoming a thing of the past. Personally, I like to blame the overpriced juggernaut that is Amoeba Music in Hollywood. When Amoeba arrived in 2001 at the corner of Sunset & Cahuenga, Los Angeles was dazzled with its vast selection and uber-hip staff. So dazzled, that every small shop in a 50-mile radius immediately began to feel the burn. Rhino, Aron’s, House of Records, Vinyl Fetish… all shrank or disappeared. And frankly, I miss them.

The latest casualty, however, is personally a little more sad. Not only because I play poker every Tuesday night with its proprietor. Sea Level Records in Echo Park was truly one of the last honest “Record Stores,” a place where you could chat about music, catch live bands in-store that you’ve never heard of, find records from great local acts, and generally feel like your business actually mattered. The store was always scrappy… new releases didn’t always come in on time, and yeah, the couch smelled like barf. But it was perfect and largely a reflection of its owner, a man who has become a true friend in music and in life. Mr. Todd Clifford.

Imagine throwing a party that no one comes to. Then imagine doing that every single day since November 2001. That’s why Todd is closing the store. At best, Sea Level only ever broken even. It has endured shoplifters, fist fights in the alley, and most recently, a driver come through the front window (see above). Even when the store was packed for in-store performances, business was just never consistently booming enough to sustain positive morale. So with the end of June, we say goodbye to Sea Level Records.

But! The store is going out with a bang!

This Friday at Safari Sam’s, Sea Level’s having a giant farewell gala. Featuring performances from a couple of great local bands, Division Day and The Switch, several great DJs from around the city, and lots of L.A.’s most interesting folks stopping by to bid farewell to a store we all loved. If you’re going to be in Los Angeles this Friday (6.22), you know where to go.

The Switch was founded by the tall, lanky, and talented Aaron Kyle. He’s a charismatic and entertaining frontman and a wonderful songwriter. To see this band perform over the last year is to see a band hitting its stride, and doing it in tremendous strides. It’s such a marvelous thing to watch a band’s members coalesce into a single, rocking unit with every show they play and every song they write. Check out their self-titled e.p. that came out earlier this year, available on their website.

Division Day is also a band you may have begun to hear about. They released a full-length in March called “Bear-Trap Island” on Eenie Meenie Records. The record is heavy with great pop songs swathed in moody, compelling sonics. But, as great as their record is, it almost seems subdued compared to the spring-loaded intensity these guys bring live. Definitely check them out.

Everything is on sale at Sea Level until the end of the month. Lots of great deals are still sitting on those shelves. Stop by and pick something up. And remember to support your independent local music stores/bands/venues/etc. You just don’t realize what you’ve got until it’s gone.

Adios Sea Level.

Sea Level Records
1716 W. Sunset Blvd
Los Angeles, CA 90026
213.989.0146.

Safari Sam’s
5214 W. Sunset Blvd.
Hollywood, CA 90027
323.666.7267

New Releases 6.19.07: Lots of good stuff! I’m most excited about Maserati, but there’s something for everyone this Tuesday. On the electronic side: Boom Bip, Maps, and Tied & Tickled Trio. Also new stuff from Jennifer Gentle, Straylight Run

download honeydripper dvd

, local band The Silver Daggers, and one more of Mike Patton’s 3,000 side projects Tomahawk. Oh, and for all you George Thoroughgood fans… there’s a new White Stripes album out on Tuesday as well.

Note: Help yourself to the yummy samples

of Division Day and The Switch that appeared with the orginal post.